2026-04-02
Khaled Mohammad Khwaileh, Nehad Mohammad Makhadmeh, Naheda Mohammad Makhadmeh, Zaid Mo'een Al-Marashdeh
This paper investigates the international sports boycott imposed on Russia following the 2022 Russia–Ukraine war, focusing on its legal legitimacy, political implications, and media framing. It aims to assess the boycott's impact on Russia's soft power, its alignment with international sports law and public international law, and the extent to which it redefined the principle of neutrality in global sport. The research also examines how the media shaped global and domestic perceptions of the sanctions and their ethical justifications. A qualitative, multi-method approach was employed. The paper combines a doctrinal legal analysis of relevant frameworks, including the Olympic Charter, FIFA, and UEFA regulations, and Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) decisions, with a comparative historical review of prior sports sanctions such as those against apartheid South Africa and the 1992 embargo on Yugoslavia. Additionally, a media discourse analysis of Western and Russian state outlets was conducted to evaluate framing narratives and influence on public opinion. Findings reveal that the Russia boycott signified a turning point in sports governance, effectively ending the notion of political neutrality. The sanctions reduced Russia's international representation while exposing inconsistencies within existing legal standards. Media framing played a pivotal role in legitimizing or contesting the sanctions, reinforcing political divides. Sports boycotts can advance political and moral objectives but raise complex legal and ethical issues. The study recommends establishing consistent global guidelines for conflict-related sanctions and promoting responsible media practices that uphold justice, peace, and human rights through sport.
DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2026.17652192026-04-02
Julio Cesar Quispe Mamani, Santotomas Licimaco Aguilar Pinto, Dominga Asunción Calcina Álvarez, Russo Americo Flores Flores, Cristóbal Rufino Yapuchura Saico, Rolando Cáceres Quenta, Nelly Jacqueline Ulloa Gallardo, Marcial Guevara Mamani, Paola Huarca Flores, Lycet Maria Caceres Bustinza, Richard Valle Terrazas
IntroductionIn Peru, in recent decades, the State has shown efforts to increase public investment in education and reduce levels of monetary poverty; However, the illiteracy rate persists as a structural problem that especially affects rural populations, women, children and the elderly. The objective was to determine the influence of public investment in education and monetary poverty on the literacy rate in Peru, 2007-2024.MethodsA quantitative approach was used, explanatory and with a non-experimental descriptive and correlational design, based on econometric models of panel data applied to departmental information.ResultsIt was determined that public investment in education has a negative and statistically significant effect on the literacy rate, which confirms that greater state funding contributes to reducing educational gaps between departments; The monetary poverty index has a positive and significant relationship with illiteracy, showing that poverty is one of the main structural barriers to access to education, especially in regions with greater socioeconomic vulnerability.DiscussionsFactors related to social well-being, such as chronic disease in households and the accumulation of human capital as measured by the average years of schooling, significantly influence literacy levels. Therefore, the reduction of illiteracy requires comprehensive public policies that strengthen educational investment and articulate strategies for poverty reduction, social protection and access to health services to reduce regional inequalities.
DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2026.17761642026-04-02
Ralf Havertz
The World Trade Organization (WTO) is in a deep crisis because its dispute settlement system has been disabled by consecutive U.S. governments which refused to agree to the appointment of judges for the Appellate Body (AB) of that system. Without the possibility of an appeal there is no guaranteed way to resolve trade disputes once and for all in court. As the data presented by this study show, the U.S. derives strategic advantages from this situation in its international trade relations. The WTO has often been characterized as a vehicle of neoliberalism, an organization based on neoliberal principles which promotes and enforces these principles on a global scale. The dispute settlement system played a central role in the neoliberalization of global trade and the establishment of neoliberal hegemony in this area. This study assumes that the neoliberal organization of global trade by the WTO was based on an international consensus in the neo-Gramscian sense. It combines the Gramscian concepts hegemony and historic bloc with a Foucauldian analysis of governmentality to gain deeper insights into the neoliberal hegemony in global trade. It was found that the obstruction of multilateral trade adjudication by the U.S. resulted in a transformation in the ways in which governmental rationalities become effective in global trade. These changes neither signal the end of neoliberalism nor of neoliberal hegemony in international trade. The U.S. strategy does not seem to involve a move toward post-neoliberalism, it rather represents an effort to redistribute discretion and redefine discipline inside the neoliberal framework.
DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2026.17793752026-04-01
Mohamed Yusuf Adan
IntroductionThis study examines the implications of the 2024 Somalia–Türkiye Hydrocarbon Cooperation Agreement for sovereignty, governance, and peacebuilding in Somalia.MethodsA qualitative interpretive case study design was used, drawing on policy documents, official reports, and academic literature, analyzed through thematic content analysis.ResultsFindings indicate that while the agreement offers economic opportunities, it also introduces governance risks, including centralization of decision-making, elite capture, external dependency, and weakened public trust.DiscussionThe study concludes that outcomes depend on institutional strength, transparency, and inclusivity, highlighting the importance of accountable governance for sustainable peace in fragile states. Georg-August-Universitaet Goettingen Germany.
DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2026.16843832026-04-01
Arash Beidollahkhani
The “Woman, Life, Freedom” (WLFM) movement emerged in September 2022 following the death of Mahsa Jina Amini in state custody, marking the most significant national uprising in post-revolutionary Iran. Initially triggered by opposition to compulsory hijab, the WLFM quickly evolved into a broad civic rebellion challenging theocratic rule and authoritarian governance. This article explores the movement through three key arguments, framed within a national discourse positioning it as a transformative force in Iranian society, while challenging meta-narratives in academia and media that shaped perceptions of the movement. First, the movement unites diverse ethnic and cultural groups, refuting the notion of an ethnically-driven rebellion, particularly within Kurdish political discourse. Second, it advocates liberal values, particularly women’s rights, while opposing political Islam and authoritarianism, inviting critical scholarly analysis of its feminist framing and recognizing the contributions and sacrifices of people across all genders, including men and children, in the struggle for democracy and freedom. Third, the movement can be understood as a “necropolitical” uprising, resisting the marginalization of oppressed communities, including ethnic and religious minorities. Despite brutal state repression, it has empowered Iran’s underrepresented populations, signaling potential for profound sociopolitical change within Iran and beyond.
DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2026.17313162026-04-01
Silvia Dalben, Sungwon Jung, Ningyuan Ma, Melissa Santillana
IntroductionDuring the 2022 Brazilian presidential electoral campaign, Bolsonaro adopted the strategy to address sexist and misogynistic attacks on female journalists. This study examines the overall discourse that emerged from those attacks among Twitter users.MethodsWe analyze 579,708 tweets referencing three prominent female journalists—Vera Magalhães, Gabriela Prioli, and Amanda Klein—who were publicly attacked by Bolsonaro. We conducted a computational analysis using R and Python that examines the time distribution of these tweets, the most frequent words, a sentiment analysis, and a BERTopic modeling in which tweets were clustered into 60 topics that were manually coded into main themes.ResultsResults show a pattern in the reactions on social media, where these attacks not only targeted female journalists but also sought to discredit the professional press more broadly.DiscussionBolsonaro replicated the strategy of other authoritarian populist leaders worldwide, who engage in online harassment campaigns that label journalists as ‘enemies of the people’.
DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2026.17160302026-04-01
Madelaine Paola Vilca Corrales, Rocio Natividad Caira Mamani, Costante Eduardo Jara Ortega, Iván Cuentas Galindo, Luis Miguel Campos Ascuña, Antonio Víctor Morales Gonzales, Anthony Stefano Saenz Colana, Robinson Bernardino Almanza Cabe, Orlando Aroquipa-Apaza, Miluska Odely Rodríguez-Saavedra
IntroductionDemocratic governance in Latin America has faced a sustained crisis of institutional legitimacy, and public services have often been perceived as daily sources of frustration rather than clear expressions of the state’s responsiveness. Digital public services have become a primary interface between citizens and the state, shaping perceptions of effectiveness, transparency, and responsiveness. This study examined the relationship between the perceived quality of digital public services and results-oriented governance, and identified the mechanisms that connect service quality with perceptions of governance.MethodsA cross-sectional correlational design was applied using data from a face-to-face survey conducted in Arequipa. The instrument measured the perceived quality of digital public services and results-oriented governance through institutional legitimacy, perceived effectiveness, and state responsiveness. The structural equation model estimated direct and mediated relationships, and a comparative assessment identified barriers reported by users and non-users of digital government services.ResultsHigher perceived quality of digital public services was associated with a stronger perception of results-oriented governance. Institutional legitimacy, perceived effectiveness, and state responsiveness functioned as the main mediating pathways linking service quality to perceptions of governance. Users reported operational constraints related to platform performance, stability, and service continuity, while non-users reported access constraints related to connectivity conditions, limited digital resources, and restricted opportunities to interact with digital channels.DiscussionThe results confirmed that improving the quality of digital public services reinforced legitimacy, effectiveness, and responsiveness, aligning perceptions of governance with outcome-oriented expectations. Reliable platforms, efficient service delivery, inclusive access measures, and sustained multichannel options reinforced citizen-oriented responsiveness and institutional legitimacy.
DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2026.17880652026-03-27
Xueling Liao, Abdul Muein Bin Abadi, Muhammad Rahimi Hasan
This study examines 16 Middle Eastern countries as case studies, drawing upon liberalism and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) policy framework, and selects five antecedent variables. Employing fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA), the study investigates causal mechanisms through which the BRI influences China-Middle East political relations. The findings show that four strategic policy combinations, categorized into three primary pathways-dual-driven, economic-driven, and policy-driven-that each leverage distinct mechanisms to strengthen political relations. Moreover, economic measures related to trade relations and policy platform development under the BRI serve as key drivers of political relations, while infrastructure development plays a supplementary role.
DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2026.17946832026-03-25
Muhammad Azzubair Awwam Mustafa, Kartini Aboo Talib Khalid, Nazri Muslim
IntroductionCoalition politics remains central in Malaysia but has become less stable since 2018. This review asks how coalitions shape governance and stability, what drives formation and collapse, what roles institutions play and how ethnicity, Islamisation and demographic change influence outcomes.MethodsA systematic review using PRISMA was conducted. Searches in Scopus and Web of Science covered 2021 to 2025 and were complemented by citation tracking. Inclusion required peer-reviewed studies on Malaysia’s coalition politics. Fourteen articles met the criteria. Descriptive mapping and thematic synthesis were applied.ResultsSix themes were identified. Malaysia’s party system has shifted from dominant-party rule under permanent pre-electoral coalitions, distinct from Lijphart’s grand coalition model, to fragmented competition with frequent hung outcomes. Ethnicity remains the strongest predictor of voting behaviour, while regionalism increases the bargaining influence of East Malaysian parties. Islamisation has gained renewed salience, with PAS and PN benefiting from digital campaigning. The federal monarchy now plays a regular mediating role during post-electoral deadlock. Opposition coordination and alliance design affect vote conversion and post-election durability. Governing capacity is constrained by coalition heterogeneity, fiscal limits and sociocultural contention. Coverage is thinner on federal arrangements, electoral rule effects, youth cohorts under Undi18 and automatic voter registration and micro-level coalition management.Discussion and conclusionMalaysia’s political order appears post-permanent-coalition rather than consociational. Coalitions are necessary yet fragile, increasingly formed and sustained through post-electoral bargaining and institutional mediation. Future research should test the effects of pre-electoral pacts and seat-sharing, measure the monarch’s influence using transparent timelines and public statements, build state-level panels on transfers and concessions, quantify Islamisation and digital campaign effects and identify Undi18 cohort impacts using panel data.
DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2026.17219662026-03-25
Hasrullah Hasrullah, Riyadi Riyadi
This article examines riot escalation in Indonesia and Nepal by conceptualizing urban unrest as a communicative process unfolding within hybrid media systems in multilingual and multicultural democratic contexts. Using a qualitative comparative design, the study analyzes the Makassar riots in August 2025 and the Kathmandu protests in September 2025 through a mechanism-oriented analysis of a small, purposively selected corpus of high-visibility public social media posts, contextualized by contemporaneous news coverage and official communications. Rather than treating violence as a direct outcome of grievances, repression, or platform effects, the findings show that escalation was communicatively conditioned by the interaction of polarized digital narratives, moral–emotional framing, visually salient representations of institutional destruction, platform-concentrated visibility, and limitations in institutional crisis communication. Across both cases, emotionally charged and symbolically powerful content achieved disproportionate prominence within platform-mediated attention spaces, while institutional explanations remained comparatively less visible. These dynamics shaped how legitimacy, authority, and collective action were interpreted across diverse publics during crisis moments, without implying deterministic causal links between online communication and offline violence. The study advances a communication-centered and process-oriented perspective on riot escalation and contributes to debates on digital political communication in multilingual and multicultural democracies. By clarifying how meaning-making, affect, and platform-mediated visibility interact during political crises, the article provides mechanism-based insights relevant to comparative research on contentious politics in the Global South.
DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2026.17854382026-03-23
Mphumezi Hombana
This article aims to investigate the connection between land reform and the prophetic function of the Church in post-1994 South Africa through the optic of political memory. The paper contends that land is not simply a material possession but a contested site of historical trauma, ethical responsibility, and theological value. Regardless of the presumed formal end of apartheid, the slow pace of land compensation continues to mirror unresolved discrimination. Drawing on political memory as a critical framework, the study critiques the Church’s historical ambivalence toward land and argues that ecclesial institutions must recover their prophetic vocation by antagonizing genetic silences and marshaling theological ingenuity toward land justice. Through a profitable commitment to biblical theology, memory studies, and post-1994 ecclesiology, the paper intends a praxis-oriented model for churches to participate vigorously in remedying land inequality in South Africa.
DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2025.1699497